Letter written by Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, Union Defence Minister of India, Nov 1950.

The following letter was written by Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, Union Minister of Defence of India, to the Prime Minister of India, Pt Nehru. This is a well-known historical document which has formed the basis of policies of the Govt of India since -- none has been ever inducted into the Cabinet from the northeastern states. Even Sri P. N. Sangma was elected only to the post of the Speaker of the Lok Sabha a few years ago.

Its rendering into English by Lama Shree Narayan Singh, Oct 10, 02, from its Hindi original, as published in Democratic World, March - 2nd issue, 1999, published from Patna, Bihar, courtesy Bhaskar Mukherjee, Photo Journalist, Patna, is as follows.

The Karmapa Imbroglio and the Taala’i Lama’s shifting political stance suddenly starts to make more sense in light of this letter.

New Delhi Nov 1950.

My dear Jawahar Lal,

Upon my return from Ahmedabad after which I attended a cabinet meeting that same day, I had to leave only after fifteen minutes. I have been mulling over the Tibet issue with great anxiety and I felt that I should quickly explain to you what’s going on in my mind.

I have studied and pondered over the correspondence which has been interchanged [between the Chinese Govt,] our ambassador in Peking and the Ministry of External Affairs. I’ve also studied those letter with the Chinese Govt has been writing to him in Peking. On this basis I have corresponded with our ambassador in Peking and the Chinese Govt in a highly amicable manner. However, I am being constrained to say with a heavy heart, that none of this has borne any fruit. The Chinese Govt has filled us with the false illusion that it will sort out issues peacefully. There is no doubt that ever since this interchange of letters, whenever they may have started, the Chinese attack on Tibet is imminent. The ultimate Chinese gameplan, if one were to ask me, appears none other than deceit and betrayal. The tragedy is that the Tibetans, convinced by our statements, have left everything upon us. We have also been taking the lead in this matter but now we are unable to protect them from Chinese realpolitik and their evil designs. It appears from recently received information that we will be unable to even bring out the Dalai Lama from there.

It is really outrageous should the Chinese feel that our taking an interest in Tibet, they will become endangered by a US-India axis. However, from this I merely understand that they perceive us to be merely toeing the US in this matter. In spite of the direct relations initiated by you and events are pointing in this direction -- through you we continue to perceive ourselves as friends of the Chinese, when they themselves do not appear to be under any such illusion. We need to ponder seriously on the basis of their communist ideology, which states, ‘any who is not with us is our enemy.’ This is an important indication which requires our serious consideration right now.

During the preceding months, contrary to the wishes of the Soviet Union, we were the only ones who had taken every step for the Chinese membership of the UNO and obtained assurances from the US that they would not bring up the Formosa issue. We have taken every step in order to gauge the true feelings of the Chinese. We have also shown them the correspondence which had ensued between us and the US, Britain and other countries. In spite of all this, the Chinese have no faith in us. They are highly suspicious of us and their entire orientation towards us, moreover, is inimical. This is what is apparent to me. And I maintain that nothing more can be done to convince the Chinese of our good intentions than already done. We can do no more to convince them of our genuine feelings and friendly aims than we have already done.

Our ambassador in Peking is apparently extremely learned and skilled, and an ideal person to further friendly relations. He has also been unable to clarify our stand and develop in them a confidence towards us. Their recent cable is an example of crudeness in that the Chinese have stated that our letter objecting to the entry of the Chinese Army into Tibet and the reasons thereof, has been sent under pressure from foreign powers. The language of their telegram clearly indicates, Jawahar, that these are the words not of a friend but of a potential enemy.

We now need to study the emerging situation in view of all the above and contain it, otherwise Tibet will disappear which we all knew would happen in any case, and this includes the expansion of China right until our very doorstep. I do not recollect any such moment in history when we have been worried concerning our north eastern frontier. We perceive the Himalayan range in the north standing as guardians protecting us from any danger which might enter through there. Tibet, moreover, had been our friend and never created any problem for us. In 1914 we had entered into an agreement with them to which China had not agreed. Having entered into a treaty with Tibet independently we had acknowledged it to be a sovereign kingdom. This had required China’s signature. The Chinese define sovereignty in their own peculiar and different way. Therefore we need to be ready for the Chinese shortly to abrogate unilaterally any and all the agreements signed with Tibet. Hence, you are to consider all the agreements concerning the international boundary and trade with Tibet in the past, as now longer applicable.

The ethnic Chinese and Mongolian peoples living in the Himalayan regions on our side can become a source of trouble at any time. Hence, Chinese interests are limited not merely to the Himalayan regions of our side, but also focus on areas such as Assam. They are also taking an interest in Burma.

After centuries India will once again have to focus on two fronts of defence. Until now we had concentrated on becoming stronger than Pakistan. In accordance with my earlier way of thinking, we need to keep track of Communist Chinese activities in the north and northeast. This Communist China has definite interests in these areas which do not appear to be India-friendly in any way.

Now we need to evaluate the political situation prevalent in the different areas adjacent to this border. In the northeast regions lie Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, Darjeeling and the region of Assam inhabited by its original inhabitants from which China can enter. Our resources in those regions are weak and insufficient, making these areas highly vulnerable. As we do not even have a permanent front there with the existence of many highly porous border crossings, the entire region is susceptible to incursions. No one mans the checkposts regularly in those regions and until now we have never really needed to. The original residents of these areas ethnically mongolian, moreover, have no reason to show loyalty to India. The Kalimpong and Darjeeling areas are unstable and there too pro-mongolian sentiments exist. I have already asked Sri Iyengar to evaluate intelligence reports of these areas. It is my suggestion that it is of the utmost importance that we meet shortly in order to have an open discussion so that we can take such essential decisions as may be required in view of the newly emerging problems.

Yours,

Vallabh Bhai Patel.